|The Social Scientific Dictatorship: The Role of the Social Sciences in the Mechanization of Mankind|
|Written by Paul and Phillip Collins|
|Monday, 05 April 2010 21:10|
March 21st, 2006
The New Theocracy
In many ways, epistemology is like an economic system. With all the right theoreticians in all the right places, one can arbitrarily bestow epistemological primacy upon those paradigms that are most socially and politically expedient. In such a climate of epistemological suppression, academic and institutional barriers prevent competitors from accessing the ideational marketplace. Meanwhile, a self-proclaimed cognitive elite monopolizes the economy of popular thought. This oligopoly of knowledge, in short, amounts to an epistemological cartel, promoting its anointed ideologues and squelching cognitive dissenters.
Within the traditional theocratic power structures of antiquity, state sanctioned priesthoods constituted epistemological cartels. The Pharisees that engineered the crucifixion of Jesus Christ provide a stellar example. The Mystery cults of Mesopotamia supply another. In both cases, an elite few exercised rigid control over the knowable. In so doing, they maintained the socioeconomic dominance of political oligarchs. Within their authoritarian economy of thought, ideas like "liberty" and "human dignity" were appropriated no currency.
However, it was a state of affairs that would inevitably change. As the ruling elite's religious institutions began to lose credibility with the masses, it became apparent that the oligarchs would have to adopt a more secular system of control. The result of this transformation was the emergence of what Aldous Huxley called a "scientific dictatorship." Huxley explains:
In essence, the scientific dictatorship is merely a theocracy premised upon the religion of scientism. Scientism is epistemological imperialism. It stipulates the ecumenical imposition of science upon all fields of study. No doubt, a majority of contemporary thinkers would regard this universal extrapolation of science as desirable. After all, science has contributed to the technological advancement of human society. It harnessed electricity through the light bulb, cured illnesses through inoculations, and traversed space through rockets. Surely, such a force could equally enhance the human condition if applied to questions of history, morality, and governance.
However, the contemporary mind, blinded as it is by its own chronocentricism, has failed to recognize a significant shortcoming in the investigational methods of science. Michael Hoffman reveals this shortcoming:
Indeed, as a system of quantification, science can concern itself with only quantifiable entities. Items that defy quantification must be precluded. This prompts a disturbing question. Exactly what items must an exclusively scientific outlook omit? The answer is provided in The Report from Iron Mountain, a document purporting to be the product of a secret government think tank:
An exclusively scientific approach jettisons all "axiomatic values." The "esthetic and moral judgments" that preserve man's humanity must be totally disregarded in a purely scientistic society. In fact, man himself must be altered. Because man's humanity poses a problem for a state governed according to a system of quantification, that particular attribute of his being must be expunged. A scientific dictatorship requires a scientific man. Of course, such a being would cease to be human at all and this is precisely what the social engineers of the scientific dictatorship are endeavoring to create… a machine man or, in the words of Adam Weishaupt, the Maschinenmenschen.
Maschinenmenschen: From Autonomous to Automaton
With the popularization of Darwinism, physicalistic philosophies of the mind seem to dominate both the scientific and academic communities. This paradigm equates mental states with brain states, thus reducing the concept of the "soul" or "spirit" to a metaphysical fantasy. This view seems to pervade modern psychology as well. Ironically, the word "psychology" is derived from the word psyche, which meant "soul" in the original Greek. However, imposing the metaphysical doctrine of materialism upon psychology, Wilhelm Maximilian Wundt would expunge the soul from the halls of psychological research and enshrine the primacy of matter. Several years later, B.F. Skinner would continue the materialist-physicalist tradition of psychology. Dubbed behaviorism, Skinner's brand of psychology emphasized observable behavior as the primary indicator of mental states. Working from this premise, Skinner developed a "technology of behavior" by which human nature could be conditioned and manipulated. Skinner believed that, as desirable behaviors were promulgated within the human herd, the ideal society would eventually emerge.
Skinner presented his psychologically engineered Utopia as a roman a' clef entitled Walden Two. Characterizing Walden Two as an innocuous fiction, Skinner stated: "The 'behavioral engineering' I had so frequently mentioned in the book was, at the time, little more than science fiction" (vi). Yet, "behavioral conditioning" was much more than science fiction to dark forces with dark intentions. Thanks to a $5,000 grant from a group called the Human Ecology Fund, Skinner was able to pay for the secretary and supplies he needed during the writing of Beyond Freedom and Dignity (Marks 171). When approached about the grant and its origins, Skinner claimed to have no memory of the contribution (Marks 171). However, he did make the slightly suspicious comment: "I don't like secret involvement of any kind. I can't see why it couldn't have been open and aboveboard" (Marks 171).
When one examines the Human Ecology Fund closer, the reasons for the secrecy become clear. It was assembled in 1955 under the title of the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, which would later change to the Human Ecology Fund in 1961 (Marks 159). For the sake of convenience, researcher John Marks simply calls it the Society. The Society itself was funded and controlled by the CIA "for studies and experiments in the behavioral sciences" (158). In addition to behavioral research, the Society also entertained a preoccupation with the occult: "No phenomenon was too arcane to escape a careful look from the Society, whether extrasensory perception or African witch doctors" (173).
The Society's president was Harold Wolff, a neurologist involved in CIA research and operations (Marks 156). The vice president was Lawrence Hinkle, Wolff's colleague from Cornell Medical College in New York City (Marks 135, 167). According to one long-standing CIA associate, Wolff was:
Evidently, the organization itself took on the character of its president. One of its board members, Adolf Berle, expressed concerns over the Society's mind control projects:
Perhaps "manageable ants" was what the Society had in mind when it financed Skinner in his behavioral research. In Beyond Freedom and Dignity, Skinner candidly states:
This, the vision of a "de-homunculized" and "manipulable" man, was probably what prompted the Human Ecology Fund's $5,000 investment in Skinner's research. When Walden Two was released, many critics saw "shades of Aldous Huxley's Brave New World" in Skinner's fictional Utopia (Taylor 418). This analogy is very appropriate. Like its Huxlian kissing cousin, the roman a' clef of Walden Two is a reality in the making. Serious credence has been given to Skinner's behavioral theories. His methodology of behavioral tyranny has been employed in today's educational system. Researcher Ian Taylor elaborates:
Meanwhile, Skinner's method has also been applied under the guise of therapy. Taylor explains:
Skinner's alter ego in Walden Two probably most succinctly voiced the rationale guiding such psychological engineering programs:
For Skinner and those who carry on his tradition, humanity is little more than a lab animal to be conditioned and controlled. This authoritarian mentality becomes all the more evident when Skinner states: "... Russia after fifty years is not a model we wish to emulate. China may be closer to the solutions I have been talking about, but a Communist revolution in America is hard to imagine" (Walden Two xv). In other words, the communism of mass murdering Red China is preferable to the Russian variety of communism. Why? The Russian communists did not go far enough.
Skinner concludes Walden Two with the following contention: "...in the long run man is determined by the state" (257). Of course, the omnipotent State was also the god of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. According to deceased researcher Antony Sutton: "Both Marx and Hitler have their philosophical roots in Hegel" (118). This is also the intended result of the methods employed by Skinner and his adherents: the obliteration of the individual and the apotheosis of the State. Such a goal synchronizes comfortably with the vision of the power elite, which might be one of the main reasons that Skinner's methods have enjoyed widespread application today.
Of such a psychologically engineered society, C.S. Lewis writes:
Indeed, when they speak of a psychologically engineered society, the "mild-eyed scientist" and the fascist mean exactly the same thing. They mean a socialist totalitarian society where the "many conditioned" are controlled by the "few conditioners." In short, they mean a scientific dictatorship. Such a concept is nothing new. It finds its proximate origins with Auguste Comte, the "principal disciple" of Saint-Simon (Fischer 70). According to Fischer, Comte promoted the "development of a surrogate religion, an idea that Saint-Simon also contemplated" (71). In Comte's hypothetical theocracy, social scientists comprised the new priesthood. Fischer explains:
If sociocracy was to be the "religion of humanity," then Positivism was its theology. Positivism was vintage scientism, upholding the epistemological rigidity of radical empiricism and supplanting classical metaphysics with the scientific method. Ironically, radical empiricist claims, with their rejection of causality, required no less faith than mystical ones. Moreover, metaphysics was originally the province of religion. Positivism was but one more installment in an ongoing series of secular religions birthed by the Enlightenment. E. Michael Jones further comments on the religious nature of Positivism:
Comte was one of the chief proponents of the "Positive State," a societal model premised upon the "hegemony of science and industry" (Fischer 71). Essentially, this new society envisioned by Comte amounted to a scientific dictatorship where "ideals of liberty and equality would eventually be supplanted by the technocratic values of order and progress" (71). This technocratic vision for society was probably a product of Comte's tutelage under Saint-Simon. Through Saint-Simon, Comte would be introduced to "what Marx and Engels would later call utopian socialism or critical utopian socialism" (Jones 93). Accompanying Saint-Simon's advocacy of socialism was the contention that science and industry held primacy, a hallmark of Comte's "Positive State." Jones explains:
Thus, Comte's "Positive State" was a totally mechanized society and its citizenry was to be mechanized as well. After all, in a "totally scientistic society," all things are subject to quantification. That included man himself. It stood to reason that, if man were a quantifiable entity, then his mental and social behaviors could be guided through the predictive control of science. Following Saint-Simon's lead, Comte attempted to create a true "science of humanity." According to Fischer, Comte's ideas:
Saint-Simon developed his precursory form of social science as a theoretical "means for bringing an end to the revolution" (Billington 212). The same rationale underpinned Comte's development and popularization of sociology. Understandably, both Saint-Simon and Comte were horrified by the excesses of the French Revolution. E. Michael Jones attributes the atrocities of the Revolution to the Enlightenment philosophy that underpinned it: "The Enlightenment appeal to liberty invariably led to the suppression of religion, which led to the suppression of morals, which led to social chaos" (15). Ending the very revolutions that brought them to power has been the chief aim of technocratic oligarchs throughout history. Invariably, the result has been a scientific dictatorship.
The scientific dictatorship is designed to create a society where, in the words of Aldous Huxley, "most men and women will grow up to love their servitude and will never dream of revolution." Huxley himself was a revolutionary and amorality was the catalyst for his cause:
Paradoxical though it may seem, the pattern of liberation dissolving into tyranny has been the hallmark of every socialist revolution throughout history. The excesses of radical libertarianism, typified by the violence of the French Revolution and the "free love" philosophy of the sixties counterculture, provided the pretext for rigid social regimentation. Jones explains:
Moral law is central to the maintenance of a democratic government. C.S. Lewis most eloquently voiced this truth when he wrote:
In the absence of moral law, freedom cannot exist. Jones recapitulates: "Social control was a necessary consequence of liberation, something which the French Revolution would make obvious" (15). To achieve "social control," the state required a "science of control." Comte played no small role in the development of such a science:
The technocratic social sciences filled the vacuum left by religion and the scientist became its ordained proselyte. Comte's vision for a scientific dictatorship synchronized with the vision of Adam Weishaupt, founder of the infamous Illuminati. Like Comte, Weishaupt developed "a system of control that proved effective in the absence of religious sanction" (16). This Illuminist incarnation of the "Positive State" became the "model of every secular control mechanism of both left and right for the next two hundred years" (16).
In examining the doctrine of "reason" promulgated by the Masonic lodges of the Strict Observance, Weishaupt correctly observed that: "[m]orals, cut off from their ontological source, became associated as a result with the will of the man who understood the mechanism of control" (16). Thus, Weishaupt's own moral cognizance became his "will to power." The irony of this fact is painfully illustrated by Weishaupt's own excesses, including sexual perversion and abortion.
The internal contention experienced by the lodges of the Strict Observance was a direct corollary of the Masonic conception of "reason," which "led more often than not to conflicting ideas of which program to take" (16). By contrast, Weishaupt's vision for the Illuminati was even more technocratic than Masonic philosophy. The Illuminist was supposed to be the supreme social engineer and ultimate psychological conditioner. Jones expands on Weishaupt's agenda of behavioral tyranny:
. . .the Illuminist system had to take the law into its own hands and program behavior as its leaders saw fit. In this Illuminism followed the typical trajectory of every other form of Enlightenment social science which would come into being over the next two hundred years. As in the case of Comte's sociology, the old church was replaced with a new church. The older order, which was based on nature and tradition and revelation, was replaced by a new totalitarian order which was based on the will of those in power. (16)
Of course, the Illuminist program for a "Positive State" failed. However, the Bavarian authorities' publication of Weishaupt's work guaranteed the continuation of the Illuminist vision (16). Jones elaborates:
Jones enumerates the various forms this ideational contagion has assumed over the years:
Skinner's "technology of behavior" is really nothing new. It originates with the technocratic thought of Comte and its objective is the creation of Weishaupt's Maschinenmenschen. Throughout the 20th century and well into the 21st century, the social sciences have ascended to institutional dominance. Under the epistemological primacy of these institutions, society has undergone extensive technocratic restructuring. No longer does the judicial system arbitrate in matters of crime and punishment, but, under the watchful eye of the social scientist, it decides who is "normal" and "abnormal" as well. The political system, which is charged with the maintenance of a civil society, must exercise its prerogatives and issue its mandates within the technocratic parameters of the social sciences. In this state of affairs, the state is becoming the panoptic machine and its citizenry the Maschinenmenschen.
Darwin: Patron Saint of Sociocracy
Comte's philosophy of Positivism also had a significant impact on Charles Darwin. For Darwin, Comte's concept of a "theological state of science" was a "grand idea" (Desmond and Moore 260). Years later, two "Positive States" premised upon the theology of Darwin's "science" would arise. These were, of course, Nazi Germany and Communist Russia. Appropriating theoretical legitimacy to scientific dictatorships may have been the intended function of evolutionary theory from the beginning. The involvement of Freemasonry in Darwinism's popularization certainly reinforces this contention.
The social sciences, which were already devoted to the technocratic restructuring of society, were closely aligned with Darwinism. Harriet Martineau, a fanatical adherent of Comte's sociology, was even Darwin's dinner guest (Desmond and Moore 264). Her booklets, entitled Poor Laws and Paupers Illustrated, were recommended to Darwin by his sisters (153). Martineau's work had even drawn favorable attention from those in more esoteric quarters, as is evidenced by Freemason Erasmus Darwin's affinities for the sociologist. Writing to Charles during the Beagle voyage, his sisters commented on Erasmus' admiration of Martineau:
Enamored of Comte's Positivism, Martineau would translate his work from French to English (261). In so doing, she would declare:
This view of the cosmos being governed by an impersonal principle of predestination was consistent with the Masonic concept of the Great Architect, which was appointed scientific currency by Darwin's evolutionary determinism. Comte's Positivism only intensified this deterministic Weltanschauung(261). With his denial of free will, Darwin would attribute all human characteristics to heredity:
Darwin's physicalist metaphysics and evolutionary determinism provided the rationale for rigid social engineering. The social sciences were designed to serve precisely this function. Since aberrations like "antisocial personalities" were genetically predetermined, man's evolutionary development had to be checked by the "Positive State." Of course, the socially and economically disadvantaged were bred within the dysgenic gene pool of the poor. Thus, the lower classes required the regulation of the technocratic social scientist.
Sociologists like Martineau viewed the eugenical regimentation of society as one method of social engineering. Not surprisingly, Martineau subscribed to Malthus' concept of carrying capacity, a myth that was central to Darwinian evolution. Astride Martineau's "edifying homilies," Malthus' theoretical eschatology enjoyed widespread exposure (153). Martineau's proselytizing was very effective. One pundit insisted that credence to Malthus' demographic prognostications promised to do "more for the country than all the Administrations since the Revolution" (qutd. in Desmond and Moore 154).
Characterizing the poor as the "gangrene of the state," Martineau endorsed the genocidal Poor Law Amendment Bill (153-54). In fact, Martineau received secret commission reports concerning the unpopular law from Lord Chancellor Henry Brougham (153). Her Poor Laws and Paupers Illustrated also did "more to pave the way for the new Poor Law than all of the government propaganda" (153). Arguably, Martineau's literature qualified as Malthusian propaganda itself. Martineau was a "darling of the Whigs," a political party favoring the Poor Law Amendment Bill (153). Martineau contended that the reforms would make the poor more self-sufficient (154). However, by immediately thrusting unskilled paupers into a competitive job market, the Whigs were actually "decreasing labour costs and increasing profits" (154). Evidently, Martineau's technocratic social agenda harmonized rather smoothly with corporate interests. A similar alliance exists between technocrats and Transnationalists today, as is evidenced by the techno-corporatism of the Trilateral Commission. At any rate, Martineau's contemporaries in the social sciences also seek to reconfigure society according to Malthusian designs.
Herbert Spencer, a personal friend of Darwin's, would successfully integrate evolutionary theory with the already positivistic field of sociology. Among one of the evolutionary concepts most rigidly applied to sociology by Spencer was natural selection. John W. Burrow views sociology's assimilation of this evolutionary principle rather adversely:
The coalescence of sociology and evolutionary theory, particularly the Darwinian principle of natural selection, has been anything but smooth. Donald G. McRae comments:
Indeed, it had been odd, if not absolutely frightening. The result has been the re-sculpting of society along the blood-stained contours of natural selection. Historical campaigns of eugenics, genocide, imperialism, state socialism, technological apartheid, and slavery all define the character of this conceptual integration. This prompts some interesting questions. What is so natural about natural selection if its social application results in such unnatural volumes of death? Moreover, if evolutionary theory were an immutable reality confirmed by "objective science," then why does it require human application at all? Adrian Desmond and James Moore may have already answered the question:
Darwinism itself was always a social theory, not a scientific one. It was designed according to Darwin's presuppositions, which were already oligarchical in character. Darwin was surrounded by aristocrats, technocrats, and other elitists. Freemason T.H. Huxley, who was involved in the establishment of the oligarchical Round Table groups, is just one case in point. The influence of such elements is evident in the Darwinian concept of natural selection itself. Ian Taylor observes that:
Darwinism facilitates the revolutionary dialectic of "[f]reedom followed by Draconian control." First, it appropriates currency to moral relativism, an economy of thought already bankrupted by self-refuting logical contradictions. H.G. Wells reiterates:
Subsequently, the architects of revolution establish their "sociocracy" over the thoroughly demolished "house of cards." Jane H. Ingraham explains:
William Jasper eloquently synopsizes this observation:
In essence, Darwinism was an epistemological weapon for sociocratic revolution. As such, it was destined to merge with the rest of the technocratic social sciences. This was a prearranged marriage and one that was made in Hell. In the contemporary religious milieu of sociolatry, the golden calf of the Israelites has been exchanged for the golden ape-man of Darwinism.
The Social Scientific Dictatorship
In the Science of Coercion, Christopher Simpson writes:
Indeed, communication research comprises a sizable portion of the standard "college- and graduate-level" curriculums (5). These academic programs produce "print and broadcast journalists, public relations and advertising personnel" and other closely aligned media experts that constitute the "ideological workers" of modernity (5). While the various professions in mass communication do not automatically qualify as technocratic vocations per se, the field's subsumption under sociology does predispose its occupations to technocratic applications. As a subsidiary of the technocratic social sciences, mass communication research has the capacity for being transmogrified into a weaponized form of semiotics. The military establishment is already acutely aware of this application:
While the hawks sought to militarize communication research, the social scientists of academia hoped to use the field for their own technocratic purposes:
Meanwhile, there were federal clients who viewed the "analysis of audiences and communication effects" as an instrument for the enhancement of "ongoing propaganda and intelligence programs" (6). Given this multiplicity of dubious parties that expressed an interest in communication research, it is reasonable to assume that the field had polyvalent applications in terms of the technocratic restructuring of society. The emergent scientific dictatorship in the West had discovered a new weapon. Predictably, the modus operandi was purely scientistic in character:
Converted into an effective semiotic weapon, mass communication research played an active part in the Second World War. The mode of conflict was appropriately dubbed "psychological warfare" (24). This appellation was derivative of the German word Weltanschauungskrieg, a term cribbed from the conceptual lexicon of the Nazis in 1941 (240). The word literally means "worldview warfare" and connotes the "scientific application of propaganda, terror, and state pressure as a means of securing an ideological victory over one's enemies" (24). William "Wild Bill" Donovan, who was the director of the Office of Strategic Services in 1941, believed that the Nazis' psychological warfare methods could act as models for "Americanized" stratagems (24). Psychological warfare swiftly became part of the U.S. intelligence community's operational lexicon (24). Donovan believed the concept to be so significant that it would inevitably become "a full arm of the U.S. military, equal in status to the army, navy, and air force" (24).
Six organizations constituted the nucleus of U.S. psychological warfare research (26). These were the:
Of course, this wartime network was peopled heavily by "prominent social scientists" (26). In some instances, the same social engineers participated in two or more organizations (26). Simpson enumerates the various social scientists involved:
The Army's Psychological Warfare Division was also largely staffed by social scientists, some of which being OSS officers as well (27). The OSS assigned Morris Janowitz (University of Michigan and Institut fur Sozialforschung), Murray Gurfein, Saul Padover (New School for Social Research), and W. Phillips Davison (Columbia and Rand) to the Psychological Warfare Division to employ their proficiency in "communication and German social psychology" (27). According to Art Kleiner, this wartime network:
Indeed, the ascendance of the social sciences had begun. The OSS contributed substantially to this rise. Howard Becker (University of Wisconsin), Douglas Cater (Aspen Institute), Walter Langer (University of Wisconsin), Alex Inkeles (Harvard), and Herbert Marcuse (Institut fur Sozialforschung and New School for Social Research) were all "prominent OSS officers who later contributed to the social sciences" (Simpson 27). However, OSS support extended beyond governmental channels. Simpson explains:
During Senate hearings in early November 1945, OSS officer Brigadier General John Magruder adamantly maintained that:
Given Magruder's prominence in the OSS, it is reasonable to assume that this contention represented the status quo within the fledgling intelligence organization. The consensus among those involved in psychological warfare was that the social sciences, which had been successfully tested during an exceptionally violent conflict, possessed equally promising potentials in times of peace. The weapon had become the surgical knife. Now, the incisions were to be made to the postwar psyche of the public mind.
The constellation of World War II psychological warfare programs provided its alumni with a "network of professional contacts" that proved to be "very valuable in their subsequent careers" (Simpson 28). In fact, many received influential positions within the tax exempt foundations of the power elite:
Of course, these tax exempt foundations play an integral role in the ruling class conspiracy. First, they provide tax shelters for the elite's wealth. In addition, they heavily finance socialist revolutionary movements, which provide a politically and socially expedient terrorist threat to the populace. Finally, they support further social science research, which provides the oligarchs with the necessary psychocognitive arsenal to wage their Weltanschauungskrieg.
Meanwhile, social engineers were also silently co-opting the mass media. Former members of the OWI became:
With the proselytes of sociocracy occupying strategically sensitive positions in the media, the power elite could re-sculpt public opinion. Historical examples of media manipulation are far too voluminous to enumerate. Ultimately, it is important to note the role of mass media in service to the purveyors of sociocracy. Subsumed under the technocratic social sciences and refurbished for military applications, mass communication research has contributed to the epistemological primacy of the power elite's anointed priesthood. The field's development and application is now guided by a coterie of technocratic "experts." Legitimacy is bestowed only upon those theoreticians and ideologues that maintain the status quo. Simpson elaborates:
Under the influence of the military establishment, the field of mass communication has become the orthodoxy of sociocracy. It has become an epistemological cartel, selecting the most socially and politically expedient "scientific paradigms of communication" that would be "funded, elaborated, and encouraged to prosper." It has become technocratic, maintaining a pseudo-meritocracy where the "authoritative" requires the sanction of the influential. In short, it has become a social scientific dictatorship.
About the Authors
Paul D. Collins has studied suppressed history and the shadowy undercurrents of world political dynamics for roughly eleven years. In 1999, he completed his Associate of Arts and Science degree. He is working to complete his Bachelor's degree, with a major in Communications and a minor in Political Science. Paul has authored another book entitled The Hidden Face of Terrorism: The Dark Side of Social Engineering, From Antiquity to September 11. Published in November 2002, the book is available online from www.1stbooks.com, barnesandnoble.com, and also amazon.com. It can be purchased as an e-book (ISBN 1-4033-6798-1) or in paperback format (ISBN 1-4033-6799-X).
Phillip D. Collins acted as the editor for The Hidden Face of Terrorism. He has also written articles for Paranoia Magazine, MKzine, News With Views, B.I.P.E.D.: The Official Website of Darwinian Dissent and Conspiracy Archive. He has an Associate of Arts and Science. Currently, he is studying for a bachelor's degree in Communications at Wright State University. During the course of his seven-year college career, Phillip has studied philosophy, religion, and classic literature. He also co-authored the book, The Ascendancy of the Scientific Dictatorship: An Examination of Epistemic Autocracy, From the 19th to the 21st Century, which is available online here.
Their book, The Ascendancy of the Scientific Dictatorship: An Examination of Epistemic Autocracy, From the 19th to the 21st Century, is available online.